Reason Foundation’s 2022 K-12 Education Spending Spotlight includes both real and nominal U.S. Census Bureau data for all 50 states dating back to 2002, which is the starting point for continuous state-level summary figures.
Reporting from the 2020 fiscal year is the most recent school finance data available at this time. Reason Foundation’s K-12 Education Spending Spotlight data analysis and dashboard with 2019 data can be found here.
2020 Data Highlights
Inflation-adjusted per-pupil education revenue increased in 49 of 50 states between 2002 and 2020.
While spending went up, 22states plus the District of Columbia saw declines in student enrollment during this time.
Between 2002 and 2020 total education spending on employee benefits (such as pensions and healthcare) in the U.S. nearly doubled from $90 billion to $164 billion a year.
Overall inflation-adjusted spending on salaries grew much less – from $342 billion to $372 billion – in this time period.
Per-pupil education spending on total benefits increased by an average of $1,499 while per-pupil spending on total salaries increased by $492 between 2002 and 2020.
All 50 states saw real per-pupil spending increases on total benefits between 2002 and 2020. During that time, 14 states saw benefit spending grow by over 100% and two states saw growth of 200% or more.
In 2020, total education system long-term debt surpassed $500 billion, reaching a total of $505 billion in the U.S. Between 2002 and 2020 long-term debt grew by $188 billion or $3,798 per student.
K-12 Education Revenue Growth
Nationwide, inflation-adjusted per-pupil K-12 revenues grew by 25%—or by $3,211 per student—between 2002 and 2020. During this time, per-pupil revenues increased in all but one state (North Carolina). Sixteen states, plus D.C., increased their education funding by 30% or more during this time period. In the most recent year, education spending grew by $8 billion across the United States, for an average increase of $169 per-pupil from the 2018-2019 school year to the 2019-2020 school year.
Read more here and explore various data and national education spending trends using the drop-down and slider in the interactive map.
A newly-released analysis from the bipartisan Joint Committee on Taxation (JCT) shows that the negative impacts of the tax hikes in the “Inflation Reduction Act” would fall hardest on low-income households.
My colleague Paige Terryberry earlier this week exposed how the bill would actually increase inflation, a burden that falls hardest on low-income households.
Adding onto this burden, the JCT analysis estimates that the tax burden would fall disproportionately on the poorest households. Specifically, households with less than $10,000 in income would see their tax burden rise by 3.1%, compared to just 0.4% for those earning above $200,000 in the bill’s first year. Estimates of future burdens yield similar results, with the lowest income households seeing the largest percentage increase in tax burden.
Indeed, taxpayers of all levels would see an increase in their burdens under this bill.
The JCT report most likely attempts to estimate the tax incidence of the bill’s provisions, rather than just a static look at who the new taxes are directly levied on.
The tax incidence evaluates who bears the actual burden of a tax. For instance, the corporate tax increase’s burden will fall on workers in the form of suppressed wages and lost jobs. The tax on crude oil will be passed along to customers in higher gas prices.
At a time when the low income communities are being mercilessly hammered by inflation, the so-called Inflation Reduction Act would both make inflation worse and increase the tax burden borne by those who can least afford it.
Through signing a package of veteran-focused legislation Thursday, Rhode Island will no longer tax military pensions, Gov. Dan McKee said.
The Democratic governor announced he has signed legislation designed to support and benefit veterans through a series of budget initiatives.
“As I travel the state, talking with veterans, active duty, guard and reservists, and military families is always a highpoint,” McKee said in the release. “Veterans want to continue to make the Ocean State their home and remain a part of the communities and places that matter to them. Now, when military retirees look at where they want to move after service, Rhode Island will be at the top of that list.”
According to the release, the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs reports there are 5,252 military retirees making their permanent home in Rhode Island, and 4,845 were paid by the U.S. Department of Defense.
“Ending taxation of military service pensions is not only the right thing to in recognition of the many Rhode Islanders who fought courageously for our freedom, but it’s also an investment in our state’s workforce,” Office of Veterans Services Director Kasim Yarn said in the release. “This change will allow us to retain top-tier talent which can drive Rhode Island’s economy forward. Military retirees bring a wealth of knowledge and backgrounds, benefitting Rhode Island in innumerable ways.”
According to the release, the taxation on military service pension will end with tax year 2023, and is a result of House Bill 7338, sponsored by Rep. Camille F.J. Vella-Wilkinson, D-Warwick, and Senate Bill 2268A, sponsored by Sen. Walter S. Felag, D-Bristol.
House Bill 7714A, sponsored by Rep. Samuel A. Azzinaro, D-Westerly, and Senate Bill 2425A, sponsored by Sen. Roger A. Picard, D-Woonsocket, will make “stolen valor” a crime in Rhode Island, according to the release.
The law, according to the release, makes it illegal to “fraudulently represent oneself as an active or veteran member of the miliary” to obtain money, property, or other benefits.
Economists have found in more than two dozen publishedstudies that corporate taxes harm economic growth. An OECD study examining data from 63 countries concluded that corporate income taxes are the most economically damaging way to raise revenue, followed by individual income taxes, consumption taxes, and property taxes. A study on taxes in the United Kingdom found that taxes on consumption are less economically damaging than taxes on corporate and individual income. A study of U.S. tax changes since World War II found that a 1 percentage point cut in the average corporate tax rate raises real GDP per capita by 0.6 percent after one year, a somewhat larger impact than a similarly sized cut in individual income taxes. Based on U.S. state taxes, a study found that a 1 percentage point cut in the corporate tax rate leads to a 0.2 percent increase in employment and a 0.3 percent increase in wages.
While the Inflation Reduction Act book tax is an unconventional way to raise corporate taxes, that doesn’t make it any less economically destructive. In fact, it falls particularly heavy on companies using accelerated depreciation provisions, especially bonus depreciation, that are shown to be very effective at stimulating investment. Economists Eric Zwick and James Mahon found that the bonus depreciation policies in the early 2000s raised qualifying capital investment by 10 percent in the years they were in effect, and then increased investment by 16 percent near the end of the decade when the policy was reinstated and expanded. Economist Eric Ohrn and coauthors came to similar conclusions when looking at the impact of bonus depreciation on the manufacturing sector, finding that the policy increased capital formation by about 8 percent and employment by almost 10 percent, with gains concentrated among production workers.
Furthermore, several studies demonstrate that the corporate tax is borne in part by workers. For instance, a study of corporate taxes in Germany found that workers bear about half of the tax burden in the form of lower wages, with low-skilled, young, and female employees disproportionately harmed.
The corporate tax is also borne by owners of shares, including retirees and others earning considerably less than $400,000. In the short run, the Joint Committee on Taxation (JCT) assumes owners of capital bear all of the corporate tax, yet that includes more than 90 million tax filers earning less than $200,000. In the long run, JCT assumes workers bear a portion of the corporate tax, such that the burden falls on more than 150 million tax filers earning less than $200,000.
While there is always a populist appeal to raising corporate taxes, based on the misunderstanding that the burden is somehow only felt by a small number of rich people, it is the job of economists to remind people of the facts and resist political efforts that have no basis in economic reality. Corporate taxes do not come freely but rather at the expense of more investment, more job opportunities, and higher wages. Raising corporate taxes now at a time of economic uncertainty and a slowing economy as the Inflation Reduction Act does would be particularly irresponsible.
There’s no easy answer for solving the inflation crisis. It is time for policymakers to admit that and to take a humble approach.
Major economic shocks are rarely predicted. When the housing bubble burst in 2008 it caught most of us by surprise (aside from Christian Bale). No one was anticipating a worldwide pandemic in 2020. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine wasn’t a part of the Federal Reserve’s economic outlook beginning in 2022. There is a reason we describe these as economic “shocks”—they shock the system because no one saw them coming.
Oklahoma is no stranger to these types of events. When OPEC refused to cut production in 2015 oil prices continued to fall, declining from more than $100 a barrel to just under $30. This was the primary driver in the budget shortfalls plaguing the state over the next few years.
The point is that as the world economy becomes more intertwined, the more complicated and harder to predict it becomes. This was highlighted at the federal level with officials backpedaling on “transitory inflation.” Egos in D.C. are legendarily large, but Oklahoma lawmakers have a chance to show they’re different.
An economy grows by entrepreneurs taking risks, investors trying to make wise decisions, and consumers deciding how to spend or not spend their money. Targeted tax breaks and short-term rebates are misguided solutions that imply the government is the guiding hand for the economy. Rather than assume that they know best how to run Oklahoma’s economy, politicians should trust that their constituents know what is best for themselves. Broad income tax cuts put dollars back in families’ pockets and allow them to make their own decisions. Trusting in free markets isn’t about trusting an ideology. It’s about believing in people and admitting that we can’t know everything.
More than half a dozen states have already cut taxes this year. The current special legislative session gives Oklahoma a chance to join that group and not get left behind.
Inflation hit another 40-year high in June, according to federal inflation data released yesterday. Coloradans have taken the fight against rising costs into their own hands with a citizens’ initiative to lower the income tax rate and put the state on a path to zero.
Last July, as high CPI began to rear its ugly head, CNBC prophetically reported, “Inflation is the silent killer.”
Coloradans have certainly felt its sting.
Someone earning $70,000 per year in January of 2020, would now need to earn over $80,000 to maintain the same standard of living today as then. Many Colorado households and businesses have struggled to keep up.
According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics’ Consumer Price Index (CPI) report, inflation last month increased by 9.1% from a year prior. That’s up from 8.6% in May, reaching the highest level since November 1981.
An astounding $6.3 trillion increase in the U.S. money supply, combined with supply shocks induced by government-mandated economic lockdowns, has largely driven the record CPI print.
The Fed is now combating inflation by crushing consumer demand through higher interest rates and tight money—a move likely to trigger a recession. State lawmakers can do their part to help bring down prices in the Centennial State by rolling back many of their recent policies, which have pushed prices up.
These remedies, however, will take time to work their way through the economy. Meanwhile, the dark clouds of high (and rising) CPI have already brought financial storms over Colorado households and small businesses.
Coloradans need immediate relief.
They can take matters into their own hands with Initiative 31.
The citizen ballot measure will appear before voters this November and if adopted will reduce the state income tax rate from 4.55% to 4.40% starting this year. State analysts estimate the decrease would save Coloradans $382 million or an average of about $120 per taxpayer in year one.
The rate reduction would directly increase household budgets, helping Coloradans to afford the rising costs imposed on them by government, and provide a more effective reprieve than direct government aid.
When the federal government deployed stimulus during the pandemic, they effectively had to print new money. The decision devalued the dollar and created massive inflation.
Like federal stimulus, an income tax cut would put more money in Coloradans’ pockets. But rather than printing new money, the policy simply allows Coloradans to keep more of their own money.
This is the way forward.
The policy will increase incomes and allow families and businesses to absorb increased costs, but its benefits go much further.
More money remaining in the private sector means more investment in our communities and local economies. With it, the economy will grow and catch up with the expansion in the money supply, making it easier for everyday Coloradans to afford the “new normal” prices brought on by government.
The last couple of years have demonstrated that when politicians and bureaucrats have more money and power, they botch it.
As inflation began to exceed historic norms last spring, the Biden Administration and the alleged experts at the Federal Reserve refused to address the problem, calling it “transitory.”
Echoing those faulty conclusions, Colorado’s Legislative Council Staff economists concluded in their June 2021 economic forecast, “Inflation shoots above Federal Reserve target, but is expected to moderate throughout 2021.”
The experts and central planners, with all their wisdom and PhDs in economics, failed to understand that their policies would bring about historic and persistent inflation. And yet they still do not learn.
In response to yesterday’s inflation announcement, the White House’s chief economic advisor, Brian Deese, called on Congress to print and spend more money to bring down inflation.
Policymakers created the mess we find ourselves in now. Reducing the income tax will equip hardworking Americans to clean up after them.
Allow Colorado families and businesses to keep more of what they earn, and they will strengthen the economy.
But we will not get there with Initiative 31 alone.
Denver-based think tank Independence Institute has proposed a Path to Zero, which would gradually reduce Colorado’s income tax rate until we have joined the nine other states that have eliminated their income tax entirely.
This November, voters will have a chance to ease the burden of inflation with Initiative 31. After that, it will be up to all of us to put Colorado on the path to zero.
Inflation continues to rise to historic heights, and rapidly rising state minimum wages appear to be adding fuel to the fire. As employers feel the pinch of operating costs rising on many fronts, Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) data shows areas with steeper minimum wage mandates have higher inflation rates for food purchased in restaurants or take-out establishments.
The Bureau of Labor Statistics collects data on inflation through growth in the consumer price index (CPI), which measures price increases for goods commonly purchased by the average consumer. BLS also measures inflation by specific categories of goods, including food prices both “at home” including groceries, and “away from home” which includes various take-out, fast-food dining, and full-service meals.
West Coast states have had notoriously high minimum wage requirements – reaching $15 per hour this year in California and $14.49 per hour in Washington. Despite experiencing similar levels of overall inflation (i.e. CPI increase for “all items”), these West Coast areas have experienced inflation for food away from home as much as 10 percentage points higher than areas that have not raised their mandate above the federal minimum requirement of $7.25 per hour.
While each group (high wage states and $7.25 wage states) each experienced overall inflation averaging 20% from 2017 to 2022, inflation of food away from home was significantly different. The CA and WA regions experienced on average a 25% increase in prices of food away from home, compared to less than 18.7% increases for Georgia and Texas regions abiding by a $7.25 minimum wage and a $2.13 tipped wage.
Looking at inflation over the last decade reveals this trend is not a recent fluke. California’s state minimum wage has risen by 88% since 2012, and Washington state’s rose by 60% over the same period. Inflation in these areas is up to 20 percentage points higher for food away from home since 2012 compared to states mandating the federal minimum wage.
This finding concurs with existing economic research on the link between minimum wage mandates and inflation cycles.
One review of the existing economic literature on the inflationary effects of wage hikes finds a 10 percent minimum wage increase raises prices by up to 0.3%. Another study by the American Enterprise Institute found the same wage hike could cause more dramatic inflation in the southern U.S. – up to 2.7% increases in price. A Stanford University economist also found raising the minimum wage drives the largest price increases for the poorest 20% of families.
The pandemic gave workers the opportunity to step back and reflect on their careers with many of them reevaluating their priorities, quitting their jobs and going freelance. Workers are now less willing to stay in jobs that they don’t find fulfilling and self-employment gives people a chance to take control of their professional lives, making their jobs work for them by allowing for greater flexibility and higher wages.
So which countries around the world and which US states are the best for freelancers? We’ve delved into the data to find out, analyzing the number of freelancers and coworking spaces, the cost of living, broadband and mobile speeds and costs and the demand for freelancers to find out.
The best US States for freelancers
Texas 8.2/10: Texas can be crowned the top state for freelancers in the US. Freelancers in the state are in high demand as it ranks in the top 3 for annual searches. The Lone Star State also has one of the fastest broadband speeds in the country, ranking in the top 10.
Tennessee 7.2/10: Next up is Tennessee, scoring highly in the index thanks to its low cost of living. The Volunteer State ranks in the top 10 for this factor. It also has a high proportion of self-employed workers, ranking just outside the top 10.
Georgia 7.1/10: Georgia ranks third, thanks to it placing in the top 10 for 3 factors. Georgia places in the top 10 for the lowest cost of living so freelancers won’t have to be worried about their finances. Demand for freelancers is also high in the state, placing in the top 10.
Number of self-employed people (per 100,000 residents)
Montana 8,600: Taking the top spot for the highest proportion of self-employed workers is Montanna. Agriculture is the largest industry in The Treasure State, and self-employment in agriculture is commonplace creating the largest proportion of self-employed workers in the US.
Maine 8,400: Self-employment means you are fully in control, setting your own hours and following your passion. Nobody knows this more than workers in The Pine Tree State as Maine takes second place with 8,400 self-employed workers per 100,000 people.
Vermont 8,200: Vermont is one of the most entrepreneurial states on our list with 8,200 self-employed people per 100,000. Most of the self-employed citizens of The Green Mountain State have jobs in the construction industry, followed by jobs in real estate.
The Monthly Cost of Living
Mississippi $4,401: Taking the top spot for the lowest cost of living is The Magnolia State. Rent and land prices in the state are lower than the other 49 states by 37% and the ease of shipping means prices for goods are kept low.
Arkansas $4,442: In second place is Arkansas with a monthly cost of living of $4,442. The low average salary in the state means the cost of living is lower across the board and property taxes are some of the lowest in the country.
Oklahoma $4,447: Up next is Oklahoma, ranking third as one of the US’s most affordable states. Housing and rent prices are nearly half that of the national average, thanks to a large amount of affordable land. Utility bills are also roughly 8% lower than the national average.
Number of coworking spaces (per 100,000 people)
Colorado 2.4: One of the most important benefits of coworking spaces is the motivation they provide by getting rid of distractions and increasing productivity. This is important to the self-employed workers in Colorado as they top the ranking for the most coworking spaces per 100,000 people.
New York 1.9: The Big Apple ranks second for this factor, with many self-employed New Yorkers thriving in coworking spaces thanks to the flexibility they provide and their communal atmospheres. The state has 1.9 coworking spaces per 100,000 people.
California 1.6: Next up is The Golden State with 1.6 coworking spaces per 100,000 people. Coworking spaces have flourished in the state thanks to the high commercial rent prices making office spaces less affordable for smaller businesses.
Delaware has launched a $225,000 campaign to advertise the many state jobs available, and to make sure job seekers know the state has raised salaries and offers alternative schedules.
The campaign is a unique move for the state, pointed out Claire DeMatteis, secretary of the Delaware Department of Human Resources.
It’s aimed at catching the attention of Delaware workers as well as workers in nearby states and getting them to explore state jobs and apply, she said.
“The state government in the past really hasn’t promoted itself and tooted its own horn and said, look, we have great opportunities for people with great benefits, competitive salaries, and flexible work schedules,” DeMatteis said. “Part of this is truly getting the word out like private sector jobs do on social media, on billboards, on buses and really tell the great nature of state jobs.”
The state jobs campaign will run through October and include radio, social media, outdoor, transit, and digital advertising.
Like other large employers, state offices are having trouble filling jobs, said DeMatteis, who took over Human Resources in January after serving as commissioner of the Department of Correction and overseeing COVID funds in Carney’s office.
There is an imbalance between the technical skills required and the positions available, while generational changes regarding work-life balance no longer want the once proverbial 9 a.m. to 5 p.m. office jobs.
Many of the workers the state is seeking often look for work in the private sector or other government agencies: nurses, employment services specialists, unemployment insurance claims processors and field agents, vocational rehabilitation counselors, disability determination adjudicators, and law enforcement officers.
State jobs competitors
It’s tough across the board to hire nurses or people interested in law enforcement, DeMatteis said.
But some of the state’s empty positions require no special training, such as corporation specialists. Those workers deal with the many corporations that are headquartered in Delaware and the specialists are trained on the job, said DeMatteis.
“As you know, in a state like Delaware, our corporation services are one of the most important things we do for business,” she said. “That’s an area where we’ll train people with a high school diploma. You can come in, get the training — we pay for it — and you get a really good salary with great benefits.”
The jobs also are not politically oriented and won’t change with administrations, DeMatteis said.
Flexible work hours
The advertisements are a small part of the state’s multi-pronged approach to recruiting workers to fill its current 400 openings, said DeMatteis.
Many state workers were among those who needed to work from home during the worst of the COVID-19 pandemic, and they liked it, DeMatteis said.
In addition, many younger workers like alternate schedules, such as four-day work weeks, which the state now offers for some jobs.
DeMatteis pointed out one, called the window schedule, that allows someone to work from 8 a.m. to 2 p.m., leave for a few hours, and then work from 7 p.m. to 9 p.m.
THE DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH AND SOCIAL SERVICES WOULD LIKE TO HIRE MORE NURSES AND CERTIFIED NURSING ASSISTANTS. THIS STOCKLEY NURSE IS ADMINISTERING A VACCINE IN FEBRUARY 2021.
It’s generally accepted that state jobs pay less for the trade-off of great healthcare and great retiree benefits.
DeMatteis said that legislation passed this year by the General Assembly and signed by Gov. John Carney created a 6% salary bump for every state employee.
And, she pointed out, “Nobody can match the state’s health care benefits and retiree benefits.”
Delaware also has started paying signing bonuses for the high-demand, hard-to-fill jobs, DeMatteis said.
Those who accept new jobs will get a $5,000 signing bonus.
Half is paid when the worker starts the job. The other half is paid after the worker has been on the job for two years, she said.
Delaware also is paying $3,000 recruitment bonuses to employees who refer a friend, colleague, neighbor or family for a job, if that person accepts a position.
The current employee gets $1,500 when the new employee begins work. The other $1,500 is paid when the new employee has two years on the job, DeMatteis said.
Working with high schools
The Department of Human Resources plans to continue working through the Delaware Career Pathways program in state high schools to prepare students to work in state jobs, such as a corporation specialists.
Those programs allow high school students to take classes related to fields they are interested in and even work or shadow workers in those jobs, must as vocational schools place students in tracks for culinary or automotive work.
No-shows for interviews
The state’s hiring problems reflect what is going on in the private sector, including having a huge number of potential hires sign up for interviews, only to have many never show up, she said.
Large employers have been complaining that the state should require anyone on unemployment to not only prove they have sought a job but actually show up for the interview. They are not required to show up, employers say.
DeMatteis thought showing up was a requirement, and said she would ask Karryl Hubbard, secretary of the Department of Labor, about it.
“If that’s true…that’s a loophole we need to shore up,” she said. “It would make no sense that it’s just an appointment…That provision needs some tweaks.”
Efforts to reach Hubbard or a Department of Labor spokesman were not immediately successful Thursday.
The U.S. job market has healed a lot from the damage done by the COVID-19 pandemic, and the national unemployment rate is currently at 3.6%, which is 76% lower than the peak of 14.7% during April 2020. Unfortunately, high levels of inflation and the threat of a recession on the horizon could cause a surge in unemployment in the near future. Some cities’ jobs have weathered the storm better than others, though.
In order to identify where workers have been most affected by the coronavirus pandemic, WalletHub compared 180 cities based on five key metrics. We looked at the change in each city’s unemployment during the latest month for which data was available (June 2022) compared to May 2022, June 2021, June 2020 and June 2019. We also considered each city’s overall unemployment rate.
Unemployment Rate Changes by City
Unemployment Rate (June 2022)
Change in Unemployment (June 2022 vs May 2022)
Change in Unemployment (June 2022 vs June 2021)
Change in Unemployment (June 2022 vs June 2020)
Change in Unemployment (June 2022 vs June 2019)
Unemployment Rate (June 2022)
T-1. Miami, FL
T-1. Springfield, MO
T-1. Manchester, NH
T-4. Sioux Falls, SD
T-4. South Burlington, VT
176. Brownsville, TX
177. Wilmington, DE
178. Cleveland, OH
179. Dover, DE
180. Detroit, MI
Ask the Experts In order to provide insight on how to help the unemployed during these times of economic difficulty, WalletHub turned to a panel of experts. Click on the experts below to see their bios and responses to the following key questions:
What are some measures local authorities can take to assist the unemployed?
Given the current state of the economy, how long will it take for unemployment rates to return to pre-crisis levels?
What can those that are newly unemployed be doing right now?
How has unemployment impacted the current shift in the supply and demand chain of the labor market?
Jonathan H. Westover Ph.D., Professor and Chair of Organizational Leadership in the Woodbury School of Business; Academic Director of the UVU Center for Social Impact and the UVU SIMLab – Utah Valley University READ MORE
Geoffrey Carliner Ph.D., Lecturer, Department of Economics – Boston University READ MORE
Ernie Goss Ph.D. – MacAllister Chair & Professor of Economics – Creighton University
Methodology In order to determine the cities with the biggest changes in unemployment, WalletHub compared 180 of the largest cities — including the 150 most populated U.S. cities, plus at least one of the most populated cities in each state — across two categories. In the first category, we compared the change in unemployment for the latest month for which data was available (June 2022) to May 2022, June 2021, June 2020 and June 2019, in order to show the impact since the beginning of the pandemic and the recent changes in the job market amid high inflation. In the second category, we looked at each city’s overall unemployment rate. We then used the average of those categories to rank-order the cities.
Change in Unemployment – Total Points: 50
Change in Unemployment in June 2022 vs. May 2022: Full Weight (~12.50 Points)
Change in Unemployment in June 2022 vs. June 2021: Full Weight (~12.50 Points)
Change in Unemployment in June 2022 vs. June 2020: Full Weight (~12.50 Points)
Change in Unemployment in June 2022 vs. June 2019: Full Weight (~12.50 Points)
Unemployment Rate – Total Points: 50
Unemployment Rate (June 2022): Full Weight (~50.00 Points)
Sources: Data used to create this ranking were obtained from the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics.