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House Bill 400 and Delaware’s Economic Future

By: Kathleen Rutherford, Guest Contributor

Most people don’t think about where companies are incorporated—but it actually matters a lot for Delaware’s economy and everyday life in the state.

For decades, Delaware has been the go-to place for businesses to legally “set up shop,” even if they operate somewhere else. That system brings in a major source of revenue for the state through corporate fees and taxes. That money helps fund things like schools, public safety, and other services people rely on every day.

But that advantage isn’t guaranteed forever.

Recent data shows Delaware’s share of new corporate incorporations is starting to slip—from over 80% in recent years down to about 75% in early 2025. That might not sound like a big change, but in the business world, even small shifts matter. Companies pay close attention to cost, stability, and whether they can find better options elsewhere.

At the same time, other states like Texas and Arizona are actively trying to attract businesses away from Delaware by offering lower costs and simpler rules. That means Delaware is now in more direct competition than ever before.

This is where House Bill 400 comes in. The bill raises fees on LLCs and other business entities. Supporters may see it as a way to bring in more money for the state. But there’s another side to it: if it becomes more expensive to stay in Delaware, some businesses may decide it’s not worth it anymore.

It’s also important to remember that Delaware already has one of the highest corporate tax burdens in the country. In that context, increasing fees even further risks making the state less competitive at exactly the moment when other states are actively lowering costs to attract the same businesses. Instead of strengthening Delaware’s position, it could unintentionally push companies to incorporate elsewhere.

And when businesses leave, the impact doesn’t stay on paper—it shows up in real life.

Many jobs in Wilmington and across Delaware are tied to the state’s corporate system, even if people don’t realize it. Some estimates suggest that a significant share of local employment is connected in some way to this industry. If fewer companies choose Delaware, that could eventually mean fewer jobs, less economic activity, and less revenue flowing into the state.

There’s also a bigger concern: Delaware depends heavily on business-related revenue to fund its state budget. If that revenue shrinks because companies start leaving, the state has to make up the difference somewhere. That often leads to tough choices like higher taxes for residents or cuts to important services.

This is why the issue isn’t just about business policy—it’s about long-term stability for everyone who lives here.

Delaware has built a strong reputation over many years as a reliable, business-friendly state. That reputation didn’t happen by accident—it came from consistency and a system that companies trust. Once that trust starts to weaken, it can be hard to get back.

HB 400 may seem like a small policy change, but in a competitive national environment, small changes can have big consequences. The concern is that instead of strengthening Delaware’s position, it could slowly push more companies to look elsewhere—taking jobs and revenue with them.

At the end of the day, the question isn’t just whether the state collects a little more money today. It’s whether Delaware risks losing a system that has supported its economy for decades.

Kathleen Rutherford is a government relations and advocacy professional with experience in lobbying, public policy, and strategic communications in Delaware and Washington, D.C. Rutherford Consulting, Inc. provides policy analysis, advocacy strategy, and communications support that connects legislative decisions to real-world economic and community impacts.

Your Community Solar Bill Would Hide the Fee You Pay. That Is Not an Oversight. It Is the Design.

By John A. Nichols, Guest Contributor

There is a bill moving through the Delaware General Assembly that its sponsors describe as a step toward billing simplicity and transparency for community solar subscribers. Read carefully, the bill does the opposite. It would authorize a billing model called net crediting, under which the subscription fee a subscriber pays to a private solar company is permanently hidden from the subscriber’s monthly Delmarva Power bill. The subscriber sees only a net savings figure. The fee that produced it disappears.

The bill’s synopsis calls this “a simpler, more transparent experience.” That claim does not survive contact with the bill’s own text. What is transparent about a bill that shows subscribers their savings but conceals the fee deducted to produce it? Transparency means being able to see what you are charged. This bill ensures you cannot.

The Grid Is Not a Battery

Before examining the billing model, a common misunderstanding deserves correction. Some subscribers enroll in community solar believing that the grid functions like a battery — that electricity generated by a solar array during the day is stored and available for withdrawal at any hour. It is not. The electric grid moves power in real time. A solar array generates electricity only while the sun is shining, typically six to eight hours a day. That electricity flows into the grid and is consumed immediately by whoever is drawing power at that moment.

The credit that appears on a subscriber’s Delmarva bill is a financial mechanism, not a record of electrons reserved for that subscriber. It is calculated under 26 Del. C. §1014(f)(1) as the subscriber’s allocated share of the array’s output, valued at the full volumetric delivery and supply charges on their rate schedule. The subscriber is credited for kilowatt-hours of generation attributed to their subscription. They are not credited because those kilowatt-hours powered their home. In the evening, overnight, and on cloudy days, their home runs on Delmarva’s conventional grid power, as it always has. This matters because it defines what subscribers are actually purchasing: a financial credit derived from solar generation, not solar-powered electricity.

Who Keeps the Money

That credit is substantial. Under 26 Del. C. §1014(f)(1), it equals all volumetric delivery and supply charges on the subscriber’s rate schedule — the full per-kilowatt-hour retail rate, excluding only fixed charges (the flat monthly Customer Service Charge of $13.50 that every Delmarva customer pays regardless of how much electricity they use) and taxes. But subscribers do not keep it. They pay most of it back to the Subscription Coordinator — the private company that signed them up and manages their account.

The split is documented. Delaware’s first operating community solar array, a 4.7-megawatt project in Georgetown, Sussex County developed by Nautilus Solar Energy and TurningPoint Energy, advertises a 10 percent savings rate for general subscribers. (WHYY, June 16, 2025.) Ten cents of every dollar of credit value generated on the subscriber’s behalf stays with the subscriber. The remaining 90 cents flows to the Subscription Coordinator and developer through the subscription fee — every month, over contracts that typically run twenty years or more.

The private contract governing how the Coordinator splits that 90 cents with the array developer is not filed with the Public Service Commission and is not disclosed to subscribers. The subscriber who funds that revenue stream has no legal right to know how it is divided or what the Coordinator earns.

Net Crediting Hides the Mechanics by Design

This is precisely the information that net crediting conceals. Under the proposed consolidated billing bill, Delmarva would calculate the gross credit, deduct the subscription fee internally, apply only the net savings to the subscriber’s bill, and remit the subscription fee to the Coordinator within 60 business days. The subscriber’s bill shows one new line: a net credit. The gross credit that Delmarva calculated does not appear. The subscription fee that Delmarva deducted does not appear. The per-kilowatt-hour rate the Coordinator is charging does not appear.

From a subscriber’s consolidated bill under this model, it is impossible to determine the gross credit generated on their behalf, the fee deducted, the per-kilowatt-hour rate the Coordinator is charging, whether that rate matches the enrollment contract, or whether it has changed since enrollment. A subscriber who cannot answer those questions from their monthly bill is a subscriber who cannot protect themselves. The monthly bill is the only document a subscriber reliably receives and reviews every month. If the fee is not on it, it effectively does not exist in the subscriber’s awareness, regardless of what the enrollment contract says.

The bill’s synopsis describes this arrangement as delivering a “simpler, more transparent experience” because the subscriber receives one bill rather than two. One bill is simpler. It is not more transparent. Transparency is a property of information, not of paper count. A single bill that conceals 90 percent of the financial transaction is less transparent than two bills that show it completely.

Delmarva Would Collect Fees It Cannot Verify

Under current law, Delmarva’s role in community solar is administrative: it applies credits to subscriber bills and has no financial relationship with the Subscription Coordinator. The Coordinator invoices subscribers separately. Delmarva is not a party to that transaction.

The proposed bill fundamentally changes that relationship. Delmarva would collect the subscription fee from subscribers, deduct one percent as an administrative charge — paid not by the Coordinator as a cost of doing business, but by subscribers — and remit the balance to the Coordinator. Delmarva would become the enforcement arm of a private, unregulated commercial transaction.

When Delmarva collects a charge on a customer’s bill, customers reasonably assume that charge has been reviewed and authorized by the Delaware Public Service Commission. That assumption would no longer be correct for the subscription fee. The PSC has not reviewed the Coordinator’s fee structure. It has not determined the fee is just and reasonable. The subscription fee would carry the implicit authority of a regulated charge while receiving none of the oversight that regulated charges require.

Delmarva would collect whatever the Coordinator instructed it to collect. If the fee rate changed, if an incorrect kilowatt-hour allocation was applied, if a subscriber was overcharged relative to the enrollment contract, Delmarva would collect it anyway. It has no obligation under the bill to verify that the amount matches the contract. Under net crediting, the subscriber — who could detect the discrepancy from an itemized bill — has no itemized bill to consult.

The bill does prohibit Subscription Coordinators from imposing unauthorized charges through consolidated billing. A prohibition the subscriber cannot monitor enforces itself against no one. It is a statement of aspiration directed at a party with every financial incentive to test its limits.

Twenty Years Without a Receipt

Community solar enrollment contracts in Delaware run for twenty years or more. Subscription Coordinators are sold. Developers are acquired. Fee structures are renegotiated. The subscriber who enrolled in 2027 may be dealing with an entirely different commercial entity by 2035, operating under assignment provisions in a contract the subscriber signed eight years earlier and has not reviewed since.

Under net crediting, if the Coordinator’s fee rate rises by a fraction of a cent per kilowatt-hour, the subscriber cannot detect it from the consolidated bill. If the gross credit falls and the net savings shrink, the subscriber cannot determine from the bill whether the credit calculation changed, the fee rate changed, or both. The bill shows only the result. The mechanics that produced it are hidden by design — and will remain hidden for the life of a contract that may outlast the company that wrote it.

What the Bill Should Require Instead

Three lines on a bill: the gross credit, the subscription fee, and the net savings. Delmarva already calculates all three under the net crediting model. The statute requires the gross credit calculation under 26 Del. C. §1014(f)(1). The subscription fee is the contractual basis of every subscriber’s twenty-year obligation. The net savings is what the subscriber keeps. Displaying all three is a formatting decision, not a technical challenge. The only party for whom that display creates a problem is the Subscription Coordinator, whose financial position improves when subscribers cannot see the fee.

A program that extracts fees from ratepayers through the state’s regulated utility infrastructure, under contracts lasting twenty years, without disclosing those fees on any bill the subscriber receives, is not a ratepayer program. It is a ratepayer extraction. The General Assembly should call it what it is — and require itemized billing before authorizing the mechanism that makes it invisible.

John Nichols is a long-standing advocate for affordable and reliable electricity in Delaware.

Sources: 26 Del. C. §1014(f)(1); Delmarva Power Tariff P.S.C. Del. No. 8 — Electric; Liberty Consulting Group, Technical Consultant Final Report, Delmarva 2025 SOS Auctions, Feb. 19, 2025 (Delaware PSC); WHYY News, “Wilmington residents encouraged to sign up for community solar initiative,” June 16, 2025; Sen. Hansen, Consolidated Billing Bill, 153rd General Assembly (draft March 18, 2026); 26 Del. C. §1014(f)(1)(e) (15% LMI subscriber requirement).

 

Delaware Can’t Compete If U.S. Can’t Build

By Charlie Copeland, Guest Contributor*

Delaware’s economy is sending a warning signal that policymakers cannot afford to ignore. In December 2025, the state’s unemployment rate hit 5.2% — well above the national rate of 4.4% and up from 3.6% just 12 months earlier. The number of unemployed Delawareans surged 45% year over year, the largest increase since the COVID-19 lockdowns of early 2021.

But even the headline number understates the problem. Delaware’s labor force participation rate has fallen to 59.4%, meaning that more than 4 in 10 working-age residents are not working and not even looking. Nationally, that figure is 62.5%. If Delaware’s workforce participated at the same rate as the rest of the country, the effective unemployment rate would be closer to 10% — roughly 27,000 additional Delawareans who have simply given up.

Against that backdrop, permitting reform is not an abstraction. It will determine whether Delaware can build the infrastructure, energy systems and housing it needs to reverse this slide — or whether the state continues to lose ground, while the country moves forward.

Delaware’s own leaders have begun to acknowledge the problem. In February, Gov. Matt Meyer signed Executive Order 18, creating the “Delaware Permitting Accelerator” to coordinate agency reviews and fast-track housing, energy and infrastructure projects. The order states plainly that state permitting timelines have “often stretched 18-24 months or longer, increasing project costs, discouraging private investment, constraining housing supply, and slowing delivery of essential infrastructure.”

The pressures behind that order are real. Delaware imports roughly three-fifths of its electricity from out-of-state suppliers, having retired significant generation capacity over the past two decades. The state’s Affordable Housing Production Task Force found a shortage of 45,000 housing units, with construction costs in Sussex County approaching $475,000 for a basic single-family home — beyond what working families can afford. Among the task force’s central recommendations: Streamline the permitting process.

Executive Order 18 is a positive step, but it is not a substitute for structural reform. An executive order can be revoked by a later governor, so it should be enacted into law by the General Assembly. Additionally, Delaware should advocate for federal permitting reform. No matter how much Delaware streamlines its own processes, major infrastructure — power generation, transmission, broadband and any project touching federal land, waterways or funding — must still go through a federal review system that has become a source of litigation and indefinite delays.

The central problem is the National Environmental Policy Act. Signed in 1970, NEPA was designed to inform federal decision-making, not to provide endless opportunities for obstruction. Today, it does exactly that. Roughly 30% of projects undergoing a full environmental impact statement face litigation, and energy and infrastructure projects routinely spend four-and-a-half years or more in the federal permitting process. McKinsey & Company estimates that projects currently stuck in federal review represent enough generating capacity to power 38 million to 54 million American households.

Delaware cannot wait. The state has no nuclear generation, and its last coal plant closed in 2025. Legislators from both parties have begun studying small modular reactors and other alternatives — but any new generation project of meaningful scale requires federal permits, federal environmental review and federal interconnection approvals that can take the better part of a decade. Delaware can pass all the energy legislation it wants; if the federal system cannot process the applications, shovels do not go into the ground.

The case for reform has moved beyond argument. The U.S. House of Representatives has passed the bipartisan SPEED Act. Through reconciliation, Congress has begun setting enforceable timelines — an environmental assessment within 180 days and a full impact statement within one year. Polling by the Bipartisan Policy Center found that Americans support streamlining the permitting process by a margin of 61%-13%. This is not a close call.

For Delaware, the stakes are 27,000 working-age residents who have dropped out of the labor force, 45,000 housing units the state cannot build fast enough, and three-fifths of our electricity imported because we lack the capacity to power our own economy. Every month a project sits in review is a month when a home is not built and when a Delawarean who could be working is not.

Charlie Copeland is the director of the Center for Economic & Fiscal Policy at the Caesar Rodney Institute.

*Originally published April 6, 2026, in Bay to Bay News.